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MEMORIAL 



OF 



THE MERCHANTS 



OF THE 



CITY OF NEW-YORK 




Hopkins ^'' Seymour, Printers^ at Washington's j^ead. 
JanuarjT^ ISOS. 



> 



TO THE 

President of the United States , 

AND THE 

SENATE 

AND 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CON- 
GRESS A.»)SEMBLED : 



C6e Memorial 



OP THE 

MERCHAJ^TS OF THE CITY OF J\rEW.YORK. 



X OUR Memorialists beg leave respectful- 
ly to approach the Government of their 
country, on subjects of great importance, 
which have aifected their minds with the 
deepest anxiety and alarm. 



(4 ) 

Confiding in the justice and friendly 
dispositions of the Government of Great- 
Britain, and entertaining a correspondent 
expectation that no Unusual restrictions 
would be imposed on Neutral Commerce, 
without ad»equate motives and the most 
ample notice ; presuming especially, that 
commercial enterprises, commenced un- 
der the sanction of established principles, 
would on no account be affected by a 
change of system; your memorialists hav^e 
employed a vast capital in importing va- 
rious colonial productions, the surplus of 
which, exceeding the demands of this 
country, they have, been a,ccustomed to ex- 
port freely to the diiferent markets of Eu- 
Jrope. ; 

After this commerce had been prose- 
cuted without restriction for several years, 



and had attracted a great proportion of 
their wealth -, after their insurers had as- 
sumed immense responsibilities, grounded 
on an apinion, that this trade was strictly 
regular ; having never received the slight- 
est intimation, that it could be deemed in- 
compatible with the rights of a bellige- 
rent nation, they have been suddenly con- 
founded, by unexpected intelligence of the 
arrestation on the high seas, of a large 
portion of their property, which had been 
embarked with the most unsuspecting con- 
fidence. 

The feelings of your memorialists are 
not only excited, by the losses which they 
have actually sustained, in consequence of 
a measure unsusceptible of previous cal- 
culation, but also from the state of uncer- 
tainty in which they are placed, with 
respect to future commercial operations. 



(6) 

Your memorialists have heretofore bc-r 
lieved, that commerce between the United 
States and colonies subject to the enemies 
of Great-Britain, when bona fide prosecut- 
ed on their own account, would be perfect- 
ly safe from interruption : They have also 
believed, that all articles, which might be 
securely imported into the United States, 
might be as securely exported; with the ex- 
ceptions well understood, both in respect 
to the import and export trade, of com- 
merce with places blockaded, or in articles 
contraband of war. 

In a recent interpretation of what is con- 
sidered by the tribunals of Great-Britain as 
a direct trade ^ between the colonies and the 
parent countries of their enemies, your me- 
morialists perceive with concern, the de- 
velopement of a principle, which, if con- 
ceded on the part of the United States, 



( 7) 

must prove fatal to their commercial im- 
portance. 

It is understood to have been decided, 
that whenever it appears to be the inten- 
tion of the importer of colonial produce, 
to export the same to Europe ; or, when- 
ever it is so exported by the original im- 
porter, such intention or exportation, shall 
be evidence of a direct trade y and subject 
the property, though neutral, to confisca- 

Your memorialists consider it their 
bounden duty to themselves and their 
country, to express their most decided op- 
position to this decision. 

As to the evidence arising from the 
supposed intention of an importer, they rea- 



(8) 

dily admit, that the great quantities of colo- 
nial produce, which are acquired by means 
of the American commerce, exceeding 
the demand for consumption in the United 
States, will fairly justify 2i genei^al presump- 
iion, that the surplus is ultimately destin- 
ed for European markets. They assert, 
however, that the intention of a merchant, 
in respect to the future destination of his 
property, must, from the nature of things, 
be inconclusive. All plans of business, 
formed by individuals, are liable to be af- 
fected by circumstances, not to be foreseen 
or controlled : — these plans are therefore 
necessarily revokable by those who form 
them ; and an intention which has not been 
executed, proves nothing more than might 
justly be inferred from a general presump- 
tion, arising from the course of our com 
merce. To apply such an intention, in a 



( 9 ) 

particular case, to the prejudice of an in- 
dividual ; to presume that he has volunta- 
rily incurred an immense risk, which, con- 
sistently with the success of his main object, 
he might have fairly avoided, and to involve 
him in ruin for prosecuting a trade, which, 
if undertaken with a different motive, 
would have been declared lawful ;... would 
be, in the opinion of your memorialists, to 
confound and reverse the best established 
principles of reason, equity, and law. 

Your memorialists contend for no inno- 
vations on the law of nations ; and, except 
where special treaties have prescribed a 
different rule, they admit that they may 
lawfully be restrained from transporting 
the property of the parties engaged in 
war. In the recent decision which prohi- 
bits an importer of colonial produce from 
B 



( 10 ) 

exporting it'to Europe, they however per- 
ceive with concern, either a nugatory and 
vexatious regulation, or a meditated blow, 
at what they deem an incontestible and va- 
luable right. 

Heretofore there existed clear and 
obvious circumstances of discrimination, 
between the direct trade ^ which Great-Bri- 
tain has assumed the right of denying to 
neutrals, and the indirect or circuitous 
trade, which she admits to be lawful. The 
direct trade could be performed by a sin- 
gle shipment or voyage ; whereas, the cir- 
cuitous trade subjected the property to 
double freights and insurances, to deduc- 
tions in favour of the revenue, and various 
other expenses in this country. 

If the arrival of a ship in the country to 
which it belongs y the landing of the car- 



(in 

go ; the inspection of the Custom-House -, 
the payment or security of duties; do not 
terminate a voyage; then we confess our ig- 
norance on a pointy which, never having 
been before questioned, has been assumed 
by us as an acknowledged truth. If the 
entry for exportation ; the embarkation of 
merchandize ; the re-inspection of the 
Custom-House; the bond for securing a 
delivery in a foreign country, and a pub- 
lic clearance, do not indicate the commence- 
ment of a new voyage^ then we are yet to 
learn the meaning of the expression. If 
all the formalities and sanctions establish- 
ed for the security of our revenue ; if ope- 
rations of immense magnitude, transacted 
with the greatest publicity, and without 
any motive for concealment, are consider- 
ed as unreal representations, and merely 
colourable and fraudulent contrivances to 



- { 12 ) 

cover an illicit trade y between the colonies 
and the parent countries of the enemies 
of Great-Britain ; then it becomes necessa- 
ry, both in regard to our characters and 
interests, to inquire^ whether the new regu- 
lations establish a more definite criterion 
for the discovery of truth ? 

We repel with indignation the sugges- 
tion, that the trans-shipment of property 
for a foreign market, by the original im- 
porter, is evidence ^^of fraud or chicane; 
or that, unsupported by other circumstan- 
ces, it can justify a suspicion, that it is 
other than neutral. In our opinion, any 
discrimination between the rights of an 
importing merchant, and a vendee in the 
United States, is manifestly fallacious, as 
it virtually asserts, that the former can ex- 
ercise only an imperfect dominion over 



( 13» 

property lawfully acquired, and possessed 
in this country, while at the same time he 
can convey to the latter a title to a privi- 
lege not enjoyed by himself: in short, that 
a trade is unlawful, when the advantage is 
to result to one person, but may be ren- 
dered lawful, by being participated with 
another. 

If the new doctrine is executed in the 
mildest form, its operation must be highly 
injurious, by originating new questions 
for litigation, and of course, subjecting 
all our commerce to new hazards of inter- 
ruption. We presume not, however, to 
comprehend, to what extent, or in what 
manner, the principle will be applied : we 
perceive, that the ancient land-mark has 
been removed, but we seek in vain for a 
beacon to direct our course :•— If we in- 
quire whether a bona fide sale and delive- 



( 14 ) 

ry of merchandize, by an importer, being 
a citizen, to another known citizen of the 
United States, for a valuable consideration, 
will, as in ordinary cases, be conclusive 
evidence of a transfer of property, and the 
answer is affirmative ; then we complain, 
that our ships have been detained, the 
rates of insurance enhanced, and our pro- 
perty confiscated, for the establishment of 
a rule, which, when once understood, will 
become nugatorV-, and cease to produce 
any commercial br political eifect. If, on 
the other hand, this evidence is not to be 
deemed conclusive, we profess ourselves 
to be utterly at a loss to discover, what 
proofs of ownership, and neutrality of 
property, can with safety be relied on. 

But these embarrassments, though per- 
plexing and vexatious, are not those which 
principally occasion our solicitude. We 



( 15 ) 

are compelled to consider the late deci- 
sions of the British tribunals, as prelimi- 
nary steps towards a system for control- 
ling the importations and exportations of 
colonial productions, and thereby annihi- 
lating the most lucrative branches of our 
foreign commerce. 

If we owed this trade solely to the fa- 
vour of Great-Britain J still we might ask, 
what urgent motive, what imperious ne- 
cessity, required that the favour should be 
resumed, at a period when our commerce 
was spread over the ocean, and when a 
change so essential might destroy its secu- 
rity, and subject us to incalculable losses ? 

■ We deny, however, that the rights of 
'Commerce, as claimed by us, are to be 
deemed favours ; on the contrary, if the 



( 16) 

law of nations is other than a temporary 
rule, prescribed by an arbitrary will, and 
enforced by power, then we appeal to its 
most universal and inviolable principle, in 
our defence. This principle is, that the 
GOODS of a NEUTRAL, consisting of arti- 
cles not CONTRABAND of WAR, in a NEU- 
TRAL VESSEL, employed in a DIRECT 
TRADE, between NEUTRAL COUNTRIES, 
and ports of a BELLIGERENT COUNTRY 
not INVESTED or BLOCKADED, are pro- 
tected. 

In the controversies which have existed 
at different times, for extending the privi- 
leges of neutral vessels, and limiting the 
grounds of capture, we take no part : we 
appeal to the old law. If neutral rights 
can be reduced within more confined li- 
mits than this law prescribes, we perceive 



{ 17 ) 

not how, amidst the collisions of national 
interests, any neutral commerce can ex- 
ist, even in our native productions. 

If it be intimated, that neutrals should 
be confined to a commerce with such 
places, and in such articles only, as were 
allowed in peace, by the municipal regu- 
lations of the countries engaged in war; 
the doctfinfe^'may be repelled by the noto- 
rious fact, that no such principle has go- 
verned the conduct of nations, during any 
wars in which they have been engaged ; 
all were fr^e to vary, and all in fact have 
varied, their commercial syi^tems : what- 
ever theoretical opinions may therefore 
have been advanced, there has existed no 
such practical rule, and to set up such a 
rule, under the unparalleled circumstances 
c 



{ 18 ) 

of the present war, must infallibly destroy 
the commerce of this country. 

It is a well known fact, that the peo- 
ple of the United States export to foreign 
countries a greater proportion of the ag- 
gregate annual value of the products of 
their industry, than any other people of 
the globe ; they are consequently most 
deeply interested in the security and free- 
dom of their trade : in short, being almost 
exclusively an agricultural and commer- 
cial people, those parts of our country, 
which, from recent settlement, or from 
other circumstances, are wholly agricultu- 
ral, are more immediately interested than 
any other, as they are in a greater degree 
dependent on foreign supplies, and conse- 
quently most liable to be affected, by any 
vibrations of the commercial system. 



{ 19 ) 

As our manufactures do not flourish in 
proportion to the progress of our popula- 
tion, wealtli, and luxury, the necessity of 
extending our commerce is constantly in- 
creasing. 

The basis of all our trade is the aggre- 
gate value of our native productions, ex- 
ceeding what are consumed in the Unit- 
ed States : these are exported to various 
countries, from which we receive supplies 
for domestic use, or other articles for ex- 
portation. A very great proportion of all 
the results of our commerce with the 
world, centre in the dominions of Great- 
Britain, and we receive almost exclusively 
from that country, our cloathing, and 
other necessary manufactures. 

By the events of the late and present 
war, many countries with which we pro- 



( 20 ) 

iSecuted an increasing trade, have been ei- 
ther diverted from manufacturing pursuits, 
or have been greatly impoverished, or 
conquered and subjected to the colonial 
system of Great-Britain. 

AViTH these preliminary facts in view, 
v^e request permission to detail some of 
the most important consequences of the 
assumed rule, that neutrals may be restrain- 
ed, in time of war, to their accustomed trade 
in time of peace. The injustice of such a 
rule, in relation to the United States, will 
be more manifest : the individuals employ- 
ed in commerce, would not alone be af- 
fected : all the internal relations of our 
country would be disturbed : the interests 
of those districts which are most remote 
from our principal ports, would, in propor- 
tion to their dependence on foreign sup- 
plies, be most severely depressed. 
% 



(21) 

The effects of war cannot be confined 
to the countries engaged in war. The va- 
lue of money ; the price of labour ; the 
rates of freight and insurance, are by war 
enhanced throughout the world : all arti- 
cles of merchandize, both of export and 
import, are variously affected, in their 
quantities and value, by new wants ; by 
the relinquishment of former pursuits, and 
by the new direction which is thereby giv- 
en to the industry of different nations. 
Other consequences result from the effects 
of war ; as the impoverishment of some, 
and the aggrandizement of other coun- 
tries : also, from the acknowledged right 
of belligerent nations to interdict com- 
merce in contraband articles, and to insti- 
stute blockades. This last right is highly 
injurious to neutrals, as it frequently re- 
strains them from proceeding to the best 



( 22 ) 

markets. It is obviously impossible, 
tlierefore, to confine the United States, in 
time of war, amidst all these changes and 
disadvantages, to their accustomed trade in 
thne of peace, zvithout destroying all trade. 

If, in consequence of the war, certain 
articles usually exported from the United 
States to countries from which we received 
necessary supplies, cease to be demanded 
in those countries, may we not export 
other articles, and thereby obtain the sup- 
plies we need ? 

If articles usually imported into the 
United States in time of peace, cease to 
be demanded by us in time of war, in con- 
sequence of our ability to obtain substi- 
stutes which we prefer, shall we be requir- 
ed to renounce, our export trade, by being 



( 23 / 

forbid to import other articles for con- 
sumption or for commerce ? or shall we be 
compelled to receive in exchange, articles 
which we do not require r 

If, in consequence of an increased de- 
mand for our exports to particular coun- 
tries, we obtain in exchange, articles of 
commerce exceeding our domestic wants, 
shall it be required that the surplus perish 
on our hands ? 

If Great-Britain permits commerce be- 
tween her subjects and the colonies of her 
enemies, may we not, with the consent of 
those colonies, participate in the same com- 
merce ? 

If our commerce with the enemies of 
Great-Britain may now be confined to the 



(24 ) 

system established in time of peace, may 
we not apprehend that the principle will 
be retaliated, in respect to our commerce 
with the colonies of Great-Britain ? In 
that case, what can ensue but war, pillage, 
and devastation ? 

These are not imaginary suppositions : 
they illustrate the most important princi- 
ples of our commerce : they evince the ne- 
cessity of a circuitous trade, to enable us 
to realize the great value of exports in 
our native productions, by which alone we 
acquire the power to liquidate the balance 
against us, in our commerce with Great- 
Britain : they demonstrate, that the posi- 
tion against which we contend, is not a 
rule of the law of nations : the law of na- 
tions ordains no rule which is unequal and 
unj ust. 



■ tA-: 



(25) 

But still we have other and more forci- 
ble objections : the concession which is 
required, would deprive us of many ad- 
vantages, connected with our local situa- 
tion, our enterprise, our wealth, and our 
fortune : it w^ould require us to divert 
much of our capital and industry to new 
employments ; it would amount to an 
abandonment of views, as a commercial 
people, and might involve us in dangerous 
controversies, by a virtual admission, that 
any essential articles of supply may, at the 
pleasure of a belligerent nation, be placed 
ill; a state of inhibition, equivalent to be- 
ing declared contraband of war. 

Hitherto we have regarded it as a pe- 
culiar felicity incident to our neutral si- 
tuation, that it was equally beneficial to 
ourselves, and to all the parties with whom 
D 



( 26 ) 

we are connected : the articles exported 
by us to the enemies of Great-Britain, be- 
ing convenient supplies, promised to se- 
cure to our ships in their ports a welcome 
reception and hospitable treatment. As the 
direct returns for these exports were in- 
considerable, and as the products were al- 
most exclusively remitted to Great-Bri- 
tain, and thereby applied in payment for 
manufactures purchased on our account, 
we considered ourselves sure of receiving 
from them, at least, that degree of protec- 
tion, which was recommended hy a regard 
to mutual interests. 

It is however with much surprise that 
we have recently discovered, that the very 
circumstances upon which our hopes of ^.^:- 
security were reposed, have been urged a^ 
arguments to justify an invasion of our 



• ( 27) 

rights, and that, having totally suppressed 
the external commerce of her enemies, 
Great-Britain is now counselled to appro- 
priate to herself that of her friends. If it 
be true that, as exporters of certain arti- 
cles to the ultimate markets, our interests 
are in collision with hers; yet it ought to 
be recollected, that it is a particular and 
minor interest only which suffers, and 
that the disadvantage is a necessary conse- 
quence of her colonial system : that the 
general results of our commerce are great- 
ly in her favour : that they invigorate her 
manufacturing interests, which are the 
great basis of her wealth : and that these 
interests can never be promoted by the 
impoverishment of her best customers. 
Surely the security of neutral rights ought 
not to diminish, as their value is augment- 
ed : surely a maritime preponderancy. 



( 28 ) 

which enables its possessor to blockade 
any of the ports of its enemies, conveys 
no just title to a monopoly of the com- 
merce of the world ! 

In the list of our complaints, we can- 
not forbear to enumerate the humiliating 
and oppressive conduct of ships of war, 
in the vicinity of our coasts and harbours. 
We respect the principle, and emulate the 
conduct of Great-Britain, in regard to her 
own jurisdiction, and we wish merely to 
claim for ourselves the same measure of 
justice which she exacts from others. 

But while we contend that we ought 
not to be exposed to humiliating inquisi- 
tions in the verge of our port, which by 
means of secret connexions with our city, 
may be rendered conducive to the indul- 



.^- 



( 29 ) 

gence of partiality, favour, or malice, we 
disavow eveiy wish to divest the bellige- 
rent nations of their rights. If, in parti- 
cular instances, the American flag, and 
the character of an American merchant, 
have been prostituted to unworthy pur- 
poses, we declare the individuals thus 
guilty to be our enemies, and we wish not 
to screen them from the just consequences 
of their misconduct. We also assert, that 
a comprehensive view of our commerce, 
affords conclusive evidence, that of the pro- 
perty circulated through this port, the pro- 
portion which can possibly belong to the 
enemies of Great-Britain, is an object un- 
worthy the attention of a great power ; 
especially, if in a rigorous pursuit of its 
strict rights, it incurs the hazard of for- 
feiting the esteem of its friends. 

If, therefore, the mode in which the 



( ^0 ) 

American commerce is prosecuted, is al- 
lowed by the law of nations -, if irrefragable 
evidence arises from our situation, wants, 
and necessary connexions with the rest of 
the world, that it is almost exclusively 
grounded on American capital ; if the sug- 
gestions, that we are the mere agents of fo- 
reigners, are ungenerous insults, contrived 
as apologies for injuries ; if frauds in re- 
lation to foreign trusts,, are not more fre- 
quent in this country than in Great-Bri- 
tain ; and if no government is able wholly 
to prevent them -, then our conclusion in 
the present, as in all other cases, ought to 
be deduced from general facts, and not 
from particular exceptions. This conclu- 
sion is, that the American commerce is 
one of the great links which connect 
those interests of civilized nations, which 
wars ought not to disturb : that to break 
this link, will be to destroy all commerce ; 




( 3i ) 

and therefore, that a serious misunder- 
standmg with Great-Britain would prove 
fatal to the most important interests of 
both countries. 

This view of the subject, while it ex- 
cites our anxiety, furnishes also a resource 
for our hopes. We wish only for justice : 
and believing that a commercial nation 
which disregards justice, thereby under- 
mines the citadel of her power, we rely on 
the effect of mutual interests and wishes in 
promoting a cordial explanation, and fair 
adjustment of every cause of misunder- 
standing : in particular, we rely on the 
government of our country, that our 
rights will not be abandoned, and that no 
argument in favour of an usurpation will 
ever be derived from our acquiescence. 

If our personal interests and local at- 



,/ ( 32 ) 

tachments have not greatly mis-directed 
our opfeiions, the defenceless situation of 
the port of New-York, ought to excite 
the anxij^us solicitude of every friend of 
his country. Our river is the only com- 
mercial avenue to a fertile and populous 
country, which is rapidly rising into im- 
portance. It is here, that oiie-ihird 'of the 
revenue of the Union is collected; and this 
proportion is understood to be relatively 
increasing. But while we are grateful .^for 
these distinguished advantages of nature, 
our satisfaction is diminished, by reflect- 
ing on their insecurity ; for in proportion 
as the resources of our country accumu- 
late to this point, is the hazard, that they 
may present a temptation to rapacity, and 
become the prize of violence. Without 
recurring to the experience of past times 
for proofs, that no nation can long main- 
tain an extensive commerce, without well 



( 55 ) 

defended sea-ports, and an efficient milita- 
ry marine, we are admonished by the new 
and portentous aspect of Europe, and the 
alarming prevalence of piracy in the 
West-Indies, that energetic measures of 
defence have become indispensably ne- 
cessary. 

We presume not to express any opinion 
respecting the degree of force^ of which 
the permanent navy ought to consist ; and 
being sensible that delays must attend the 
construction of suitable defences for our 
port, we shall rest satisfied, when we 
perceive that these measures are com- 
menced in a manner, and upon a scale, 
which will assure to us an efficient com- 
pletion. 

Such, however, is the present organiz- 
ed force of the United States, that we 
E 



( 34 ) 

fciioLild consider it inconsistent with the ho- 
nour, interests, or security of our coun- 
try, to parley with the pirates of the West- 
Indies, whose conduct being inconsistent 
with any known rules of lawful warfare, 
cannot have been authorized by any civiliz- 
ed nation towards another nation, in a state 
of peace. Our vessels, while pursuing a 
lawful trade, have been piratically seized ; 
their cargoes have been forcibly taken 
away and distributed, without even the 
form of a trial 3 the vessels in many in- 
stances sunk and destroyed, and the crews 
stripped of all their property : all these 
outrages have been exercised upon inno- 
cent and defenceless men, aggravated by 
unprecedented circumstances of insult, op- 
pression, and barbarity. Some of these 
violences have been committed on vessels, 
which were captured within sight of our 
harbours 5 and the great scene of these un- 



paralleled enormities^ is the island of Qir 
ba, which commands the only avenue ]?jf 
which we preserve a commercial connex- 
ion with our brethren of the We^ern 
States: a connexion which we cherish 
with ardour, as a source of mutual ad van-- 
tage, and a bond of permanent union. 

But it is not on account of our pecunia- 
ry losses alone, that we complain. The 
constancy and valour of the seamen of the 
United States, are justly themes of patrir 
ptic exultation. From their connexion 
with us, we consider their cause as our 
cause, their rights as our rights, and their 
interests as our interests : our feelings are 
indignant at the recital of their wrongs 5 
and we request, in addition to the pro- 
tection of a naval force, that, at least in the 
American seas, our brave countrymen may 



( 36 ) 

be permitted to display their energy in 
their own defence. 

YbUR memorialists conclude with re- 
marking, that they deem the present situa- 
tion of public affairs to be peculiarly cri- 
tical and perilous, and such as requires all 
the prudence, the wisdom, and energy of 
Government, supported by the co-opera- 
tion of all good citizens. By mutual ex- 
ertions, under the benign influence of Pro- 
vidence, upon this hitherto favoured na- 
tion, we hope the clouds which threaten to 
obscure its prosperity, may be dispelled ; 
and we pledge our united support in fa- 
vour of all measures adapted to vindicate 
and secure the just rights of our Country. 

And your Memorialists, as in duty 
bound, will ever pray, &g. 



( 37 ) 

Signed hy the nnanimQus order, and on be- 
half of a General Meeting of the Merchants 
of the City of Nezv-York, coiwened on the 
^6th December, 1805. 



JOHN BROOME, Chairman, 



OLIVER WOLCOTT, 
JOHN FRANKLIN, 
WILLIAM EDGAR, 
ISAAC LAWRENCE, 
THOMAS CARPENTER, 
HENRY I. WYCKOFF, 
JOHN TAYLOR, 
THOMAS FARMAR, 
GEO. M. WOOLSEY, 
DAVID M. CLARKSON, 
ROBERT LENOX, 
GOOLD HOYT, 
ELISHA COIT, 
JOHN B. MURRAY, 
LEFFERT LEFFERTS, 



JOHN MURRAY, 
M. CLARKSON, 
JOHN B. COLES, 
ARCHd: GRACIE, 
WM. W. WOOLSEY, 
BENJAMIN MINTURN, 
WILLIAM BAYARD, 
GULIAN LUDLOW, 
EBENEZER STEVENS, 
RENSSELAER HAVENS, 
WM. LOVETT, 
GEO. GRISWOLD, 
HENRY POST, Jun. 
JOHN R. LIVINGSTON, 
DANIEL LUDLOW, 



SAMUEL A. LAWRENCE, WM. HENDERSON^, 
SAMUEL RUSSEL, JAMES ARDEN, 

JOS. BLACKWELL, JNO. P. MUMFORD, 



{ ^ ) 



BENJAMIN BAILEY, JAMES SCOTT, 

WYNANT VAN ZANT, Jr. CHARLES McEVERS, Jub. 
JOHN DE PEYSTER, JOHN KANE, 

ISAAC CLASON, JOHN CLENDINING, 

EDMUND SEAMAN, WILLIAM CODMAN, 

PETER SCHERMERHORNE, 

Committee. 




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